It has been a year since the coup d'état in Myanmar, but the military-controlled "State Administrative Council" ( State Administrative Council ) has yet to quell the civil war, and there is still a long way to go to implement effective governance in the country. After Min Aung Hlaing, the commander-in-chief of the Myanmar Defense Forces , seized power, the embarrassment of being surrounded by enemies has not yet been resolved. After the military and police in Myanmar arrested or imprisoned elected members of parliament on a large scale, there was a civil disobedience movement in the country, followed by a civil disobedience movement, followed by the formation of a parallel government, the National Unity Government, linking major cities and border areas in Myanmar. The People's Defense Force, an armed group established, launched guerrilla tactics and assassinations against the army. In addition, ethnic local armed forces (Mindiwu) active in border areas such as Kachin State, Kayin State,
Kayah State, Chin State, and Rakhine State continued to attack the Burmese army, making the army unable to separate itself. The military regime faced multiple attacks, which led to the gradual stalemate of internal conflicts in Myanmar. 5a5uteo8e4zrs0iwvffhsoqkspbih3 Members of the Yangon People's Defense Forces fighting against the junta. Photo Credit: Reuters/ Dazhi Image Members of the Yangon People's Defence Force against the junta Western countries have launched economic sanctions on military-funded business enterprises, and the military government has not yet obtained diplomatic legal status Faced with the confrontation between civil society and ethnic armed forces, it is no wonder that there have been reports of soldiers fleeing from the military in Myanmar. According to an internal recording released by the Myanmar media "Khit Thit Media" recently, local officials and generals appointed by the Myanmar Army in Magway Province (Magway) admitted that the "People's Defence Army" stubbornly obstructed the control of the army in the area, and some officials fled because of this. . On the one hand, the recording is a "public confession" by the top military officials, which confirms that the opposition's strategy has indeed worked. After Min Aung Hlaing presided over the "National Consular Affairs Commission", international public opinion may not easily let go of the military business network involved in the coup. In the past year, the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Canada, and New Zealand have successively launched economic sanctions or banned entry to military leaders and business enterprises with a military background. European and American companies are also willing to give up the newly opened new world of Myanmar, and have successively taken a tough stance: Following Norwegian e-commerce company Telenor’s decision to sell its Myanmar business last year, American oil company Chevron and French oil company Total Energy (Total) Energies also announced this year that it was withdrawing from the development of the Yadana gas field in the Andaman Sea, in which Myanmar state-owned Myanmar Oil and Gas Corporation (MOGE) is a part, citing "the continuing deterioration of human rights and the general rule of law." Although Japan and South Korea did not join the ranks of economic sanctions led by Europe and the United States, some wedding photo retouching services Japanese and South Korean companies also high-profile suspending business cooperation with the military after the coup, including POSCO C&C, a subsidiary of South Korean steel company Pohang Steel, and Japanese beverage giant Kirin Holdings. The latter more formally sought the intervention of the Singapore International Arbitration Center in December last year to resolve the commercial ties with the arms control business “Myanmar Economic Holdings Co., Ltd.” in relation to the handling of the joint venture Myanmar Distillery. Even Myanmar's "family members" in the ASEAN are under pressure from the United States to cooperate at any time in restricting the access of Myanmar's military regime to overseas assets, and to strengthen monitoring of domestic companies' investment in Myanmar for any violation of "money laundering" or "money laundering".
Regulations such as engaging in illegal activities . What Min Aung Reyenz is here for is his legal status and that of the "Consular Commission" in the international community. Over the past year, however, the "Consular Committee" has been unable to replace the former DPRK-appointed ambassador, Jomo Tun, who was loyal to the "National League for Democracy" (NLD) government at the United Nations. Even though the military regime has worked hard to win the support of the two Security Council members, China and Russia, and has repeatedly blocked the Security Council's sanctions resolutions, on the key issue of the selection of UN ambassadors, neither of the two countries insisted on recognizing the "national consular committee"'s favorite Ang. Aung Thurein, instead, reached a consensus with the United States to continue to allow Kyaw Moe Tun to remain in office (note: as a condition, Kyaw Moe Tun